The Importance of Iraq in the Imperialist War on Iran

Yossi Schwartz ISL (RCIT section in Israel/Occupied Palestine) 31.07.2026

The barrage of drones and missiles fired by pro-Iranian forces in Iraq into the Gulf states and Jordan, and the drone attack on the American tanker docked off the coast of Egypt began shortly after Iran announced its decision to reject the Omani proposal for a sailing arrangement in the Strait of Hormuz, which the Gulf states supported. According to the proposal, a joint payment collection mechanism was to be formulated, not as a transit fee, but as “voluntary” consideration for navigation and security services, like the mechanism used in the Strait of Malacca, between the Indian and Pacific Oceans.

Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Qassem Karib-Abadi explained on Tuesday that “the proposal does not meet Iran’s security interests,” as it demands almost complete control of the two routes, the southern and the north, a demand that means recognition of its sovereignty in the Strait. Such recognition would be the most important political achievement for her, and not just as a symbolic expression of her victory in the war. It will give it strategic supremacy and control over a global economic crossroads and serve as a guarantee against any future attack against it.

Iran’s struggle for control of the Strait of Hormuz requires it to maintain support for pro-Iranian forces in Iraq and for Hezbollah in Lebanon. Its aims is  to prevent them from serving as American and pro-Zionist colonies. The decision of the Lebanese government to conduct direct negotiations with Israel, over Iran’s head, and to begin implementing the “framework agreement” under American auspices, threatens not only the principle of “unity of arenas” that it was able to establish in the memorandum of understanding it signed with the United States, but also has implications for Iraq’s status.

Iraq has a government headed by Ali al-Zaidi, a multimillionaire lawyer and businessman, whose election was made after heavy pressure from the United States. When al-Zaidi was elected, he declared his intention to maintain good relations with Tehran and stressed that he would not allow Iraq to launch attacks against it. In return for the American support, al-Zaidi pledged to carry out economic reforms, the implementation of which the United States released half a billion dollars – oil revenues that Iraq is obligated to deposit with the Federal Reserve Bank of New York under an agreement signed in 2003 – and to fight corruption. But that was not the only promise: Al-Zaidi pledged to dismantle Iranian-run militias, and when he visited Washington two weeks ago, he even named the end of September as the date when the process would be completed along with the withdrawal of U.S. forces from Iraq.

In this area, al-Zaidi has so far recorded only very small success. Two of the militias, Asayeb Ahl al-Haq and Kataib al-Imam Ali, have announced their willingness to disarm in addition to the militia of separatist preacher Muqtada al-Sadr. In the meantime, this is only a declaration of intent that is awaiting implementation, while the other militias, which are also responsible for launching the drones and missiles in recent days, have made it clear that they have no intention of disarming, thus casting doubt on al-Zeid’s ability to fulfill his commitment to Washington. These militias enjoy the political backing of some of the movements and parties inside Iraq.

Al-Zaydi’s more serious problem lies in the siege of the Strait of Hormuz. So far, it has caused losses of about $45 billion as a result of the reduction in oil exports. As a result, Iraq is now looking for alternative solutions. It recently signed a memorandum of understanding with Syria to rehabilitate the oil pipeline that connects Kirkuk in Iraq to the port of Banias in Syria, and during his visit to Turkey on Tuesday, Al-Zaidi discussed the possibility of expanding oil exports from his country to the Turkish port of Ceyhan. For now, this is an unpaved path, because even if the memorandum of understanding with Syria becomes an agreement, and even if exports through Turkey progress, it will be many months and even years before Iraq can give up the way through the Persian Gulf.

Although he can blame Iran, the Iraqi masses are aware that he is a millionaire and enjoys the support of the United States. They remember the results of the invasion every day. Its consequences have shaped and blighted millions of lives and changed their country profoundly.

. The American and British imperialism bear a heavy responsibility for what happened after the invasion, and its consequences also affect them.

Iraq’s tyrant, Saddam Hussein, was well worth overthrowing – he had imprisoned and killed thousands of Iraqis, even using chemical weapons against rebellious Kurds. The problem was how it was done, the way the US and UK brutally repressed the Iraqis , and the violence that gripped Iraq after the Bush administration occupied Iraq.

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